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DepositSoviet federalism from below: The Soviet Republics of Odessa and the Russian Far East, 1917–1918

In early 1918, the Bolshevik-dominated Third Congress of Soviets declared the formation of a new composite polity—the Soviet Russian Republic. The congress’s resolutions, however, simultaneously proclaimed a federation of national republics and a federation of soviets. The latter seemed to recognize regionalism and localism as organizing principles on par with nationalism and to legitimize the self-proclaimed Soviet republics across the former Russian Empire. The current article compared two such non-national Soviet republics, those in Odessa and the Russian Far East. The two republics had similar roots in the discourses and practices of the Russian Empire, such as economic and de facto administrative autonomy. They also took similar organizational forms, were run by coalitions, and opposed their own inclusion into larger national and regional formations in Ukraine and Siberia. At the same time, both of the Soviet governments functioned as ad hoc committees and adapted their institutional designs and practices to the concrete—and very different—social and international conditions in the two peripheries. The focus of the Odessa and Far Eastern authorities on specific problems and their embeddedness in the peculiar contexts reflected the very idea of federalism as governance based on decentralization and nuance but contradicted the party-based centralization and the exclusivity of the ethno-national federalism in the consolidated Soviet state.

DepositZene, szó, dráma – színjátékok és szín(e)változások. A történelem szemantikája Puskin és Muszorgszkij művészi szkepszisében / Music, Word, Drama – Stagecraft and Transfigurations. The Semantics of History in the Artistic Skepticism of Pushkin and Musorgsky

Offering a close reading of Pushkin’s Boris Godunov and Musorgsky’s Khovanshchina, “Music—Word—Drama” explores the ways these plays have modified the “evolution line” of drama in the Western tradition. He illuminates the genre of chronicle plays in terms of poetical structure and composition. Russian dramatic chronicles, never before discussed as one corpus, are integrated in a concept of genre poetics. A full biblio- & musicography is provided at the end of the book.

DepositThe Golden Age and Genre Poetics: “Implicit Prophecy” in Vergil’s Fourth Eclogue and Pushkin’s Boris Godunov. Two Variations on the Auto-Creation of the Poetic Self

Research article. This article raises the question whether any link can be suppositioned between “factual” history and what we normally call “the history of literature”. It puts the texts of Ec­logue IV and Boris Godunov to a close and thorough examination to find the answer to this question. This research study was published in Russian Text (19th Century) and Antiquity (Budapest—Tartu), 2008, as my contribution to a collaborative project hosted by Eötvös Loránd University and Eötvös József Collegium (Budapest) and The Institute of Philosophy and Semiotics at The University of Tartu to discover and interpret intertextual connections between 19th-century Russian literature and Antiquity.

DepositIntroduction — Soul Wars: The Problem and Promise of Proselytism in Russia

A new war has developed for the salvation of souls in Russia, as local and foreign religious groups battle in Russia over the right and power to proselytize. This is, in parti a legal war just as it is a religious war, as the Russian government has developed favorite denominations and oppressed others. After the Soviet Union crumbled, president Mikhail Gorbachev broke the Marxist/Lennist atheism of Russian and allowed religious freedom with legal backing. No state religion was implemented, and Russia entered a golden age of religious liberty along with a massive religious awakening, both within and without its borders. Foreign religious groups even began to make some headway in Orthodox Russia. These new arrivals eventually created resentment due to their Western concepts and their “hit and run evangelism.” The Russian Orthodox church requested these groups lower their level of activity, but they were ignored and forced to turn to state law. They proposed restrictions on foreign proselytism, which were only enacted on the local level. However, the Russian government eventually passed the Freedom of Conscience Law, a controversial law that places religious groups with certain classes. The Orthodox Russian Church receives legal protection and benefits. Traditional foreign religions, like Protestant Christian and mainline Jewish and Muslim sects, are given full protection under the law, but fewer benefits. Other religious groups, those considered “dangerous” by the Orthodox Russian Church, are given only a pro forma guarantee of freedom of worship and liberty of conscience. Similarly, religious organizations are given a juridical personality and affirmative rights, while religious group are given only minimal protections and can be dissolved for a number of reasons that are vague and expansive.

DepositIntroduction to Proselytism and Orthodoxy in Russia: The New War for Souls

A new war has developed for the salvation of souls in Russia, as local and foreign religious groups battle in Russia over the right and power to proselytize. This is, in parti a legal war just as it is a religious war, as the Russian government has developed favorite denominations and oppressed others. After the Soviet Union crumbled, president Mikhail Gorbachev broke the Marxist/Lennist atheism of Russian and allowed religious freedom with legal backing. No state religion was implemented, and Russia entered a golden age of religious liberty along with a massive religious awakening, both within and without its borders. Foreign religious groups even began to make some headway in Orthodox Russia. These new arrivals eventually created resentment due to their Western concepts and their “hit and run evangelism.” The Russian Orthodox church requested these groups lower their level of activity, but they were ignored and forced to turn to state law. They proposed restrictions on foreign proselytism, which were only enacted on the local level. However, the Russian government eventually passed the Freedom of Conscience Law, a controversial law that places religious groups with certain classes. The Orthodox Russian Church receives legal protection and benefits. Traditional foreign religions, like Protestant Christian and mainline Jewish and Muslim sects, are given full protection under the law, but fewer benefits. Other religious groups, those considered “dangerous” by the Orthodox Russian Church, are given only a pro forma guarantee of freedom of worship and liberty of conscience. Similarly, religious organizations are given a juridical personality and affirmative rights, while religious group are given only minimal protections and can be dissolved for a number of reasons that are vague and expansive.

DepositChamberlain, Kitchener, Kropotkine—and the political Pessoa

Though Fernando Pessoa is not widely known as a political poet, we may be familiar with the political commentary explicit in some of his works. In four political sonnets dating from 1905 (but only fully published in 1995), the poet criticizes the mockery of Russia by British journalists, calls the colonization of Ireland and the Transvaal “a shame on England,” and lays a curse upon Joseph Chamberlain’s head for his involvement in the Anglo-Boer wars. Among Pessoa’s unpublished English poetry, there are drafts (in various stages of completion) of other political poems, written between 1905 and 1907, featuring Chamberlain and two other historical figures of the beginning of the 20th century: Kitchener and Kropotkine. By presenting the early political poems by Pessoa—both published and unpublished—this book chapter argues that they form a coherent corpus, which may be defined by the relationship between a political event and Pessoa’s reaction to it through a poem.

Deposit“Printing” the Ruthenian Identity: An Examination of Polemics in 17th Century Ukraine

The origin and evolution of the Ukrainian identity is a widely-discussed topic with a rich and contentious historiography. Many scholars have revisited this topic in the aftermath of the 2013-2014 Euromaidan events and subsequent conflict with Russia in Ukraine’s Donbass. These events have raised new questions about Ukraine’s historical relationship to Russia and how the Ukrainian “narod” conceives of its national identity as separate but equal to its Russian counterpart. A peculiar but under-examined element that sets the Ukrainian identity apart from the Russian identity is the role of the printing press in the development of the two peoples’ histories. This paper seeks to establish the printing press as a crucial contributing factor in the consolidation of a Ruthenian identity in the 17th century Ukrainian lands.

DepositLysiak Rudnytsky’s prescience: Ukraine’s political turbulence and trauma of a “non-historical” nation

If we look at the past three decades in the history of Eastern Europe, Ukraine may safely be placed at the top of the chart of “unstable” states. First was the student-led Revolution on Granite in the 1990s. The outcome of that revolution was a resignation of entrenched high-ranked Soviet officials under the pressure of public opinion. Then, if we skip the 1999 anti-Kuchma protests, the next big upheaval was the Orange Revolution in 2003–04. It led to a rerun of the presidential election and eventual reboot of the government. Finally, the massive and blood-soaked EuroMaidan, or Revolution of Dignity, happened in 2013–14—which, once again, led to a drastic change in Ukraine’s ruling elites. All three revolutions were of unprecedented regional magnitude and became a factor in the foreign policy of the EU, Russia, and the US.

DepositAspectos do debate entre realismo socialista e concretismo: a obra de vilanova artigas

This monograph explores the ambivalent position of Artigas in the political-cultural debate of the Cold War, during the 1950s, when two principal art movements were opposed. On one side, socialist realist tendencies that emerged in post-revolutionary Russia, particularly after the ascension of Stalin, who intended it to be the new art of the proletarian masses, along the lines of culturalpolicies shared by many communist parties. On another side, concretism, already held as a new avant-garde art of geometrical abstraction, attacked by communist militants for its supposed “imperialist” links. To carry out this exploration, we have mapped the architect’s treatment of both currents from two simultaneous fonts. One refers to the writings and classes of Artigas, where it is possible to trace the changes in meaning that each movement underwent throughout his career. The other refers to his projects, where we studied two paradigmatical houses: the Olga Baeta, of 1956; and the Rubens de Mendonça, of 1958. Although the former is usually regarded as “socialist realist” and the latter as “concretist”, analysis of the drawings do not permit any narrow bonds to any of them. Both positions are mixed together in both houses, revealing the cultural impasse in which Artigas was set, present in both the texts and buildings, not only regarding the formal development assigned to each of them, but the link between long-term national and political projects.